The Dynamics of Islamic Science in Developing the Madrasah Diniyah Curriculum

The article aimed to explore the dynamic of curriculum development of some madrasah diniyahs in Central Java, Indonesia. It focused on the genealogy of Islamic science and the sociocultural context of the curriculum within perspectives of education, sociology, and Islamic studies. The data were collected through semi-structured interviews and documentation techniques and applied model of Miles and Huberman model. It finally found that each survived madrasah diniyah has a specific model for developing and implementing a curriculum based on its Islamic science genealogy and sociocultural background. The curriculum was designed pragmatically and conservatively. However, it was developed adaptively to respond to sociocultural changes in society. The curriculum was designed conservatively by adopting traditional Islamic scholarship developed by most madrasah diniyyah. It was implemented pragmatically by adopting teaching materials from existing printed books, simple works of teachers, and teachers' spontaneous creativity in teaching. The curriculum was developed adaptively by responding to sociocultural changes in society. Reductions and additions were made to learning materials according to student needs, reduced study hours, and some classes were held at night. In principle, the madrasah diniyyah's curriculum provides added value and complements the learning of Islamic Religious Education in formal schools.


INTRODUCTION
Madrasah Diniyah, an Islamic educational institution that has evolved since the colonial period, has undergone a fascinating dynamic in formulating traditional Islamic science in its curriculum. Historically, many madrasah diniyah have been transformed into formal educational institutions, leaving only part of them in their original form (Nizah, 2016). The struggle of the madrasah diniyah education system, in its original form, is also transforming to respond to the challenges of community change. Among the evolving elements of education, the dynamics of curriculum design development as a reflection of creative response in the performance of its role as an Islamic science conservation and development institution in society have become the most fundamental and crucial to be studied.
Madrasah diniyah has transformed in line with the social and cultural growth of the Muslim communities in Indonesia (Hidayah & Prasetiya, 2019). Changes have taken place from the beginning of the development of the madrasah diniyah to the present, but they are rapid. Significant changes have taken place in the era leading to independence due to the strengthening of the position of the pesantren in the 1970s to 1980s due to the significant needs of religious teachers, and after 2005 due to the establishment of alternative Islamic education institutions (Azra et al., 2010;Daulay & Tobroni, 2017;Nizah, 2016). Transformation usually starts with institutional changes that include life complexities and education roles.
Initially, madrasah was created to concentrate on teaching Islamic sciences (Azra et al., 2010;Sabki & Hardaker, 2013), i.e., the Qur'ān, Hadīth, 'Aqīdah (Islamic theology), Akhlāq (Islamic ethic), Fiqh (Islamic law), Islamic History, Arabic reading and writing, and Arabic teaching materials in the form of Arabic books) as well as instilling Islamic values and forming al-akhlāq al-karīmah (noble character). This educational model was eventually called madrasah diniyah, an educational institution that teaches Islamic sciences, morals, and traditions. Some of these educational models are in pesantren (madrasah diniyah pesantren), and others are in the middle of society (ordinary madrasah diniyah) (Alfi Syahr, 2016;Syar'i et al., 2020). There is a close relationship between those two models, in which the second adopts an educational program from the first. This initial model of madrasah has been one of the educational institutions that had an essential role in educating and transforming Indonesian Muslim society before formal education emerged (Hidayah & Prasetiya, 2019;Syar'i et al., 2020).
Following the promulgation, on 24 March 1975, of the Joint Decree (SKB) of three ministers (Minister of Religious Affairs, Minister of Education and Culture, and Minister of Home Affairs), improving the quality standard of madrasahs, some madrasahs were converted into formal education (Sudarsono, 2018;Zuhdi, 2005). Since that time, MI (Madrasah Ibtidāiyyah/Islamic Elementary School), MTs (Madrasah Thanawiyyah/Islamic Junior High School), and MA (Madrasah Aliyah/Islamic Senior High School) or PGA (Religious Teacher Education) have grown, which teach general science (i.e., Mathematics, Indonesian Language, Natural Sciences, and Social Sciences) in addition to religious science (Qur'an-Hadith, Aqidah-Akhlak, Fiqh, History of Islamic Culture, and Arabic). At that time, madrasah diniyah functioned as teaching religious science based on classical books; and it was still developed in the community. It is often called the Arabic School because it develops Islamic science based on Arabic literacy. It is also called afternoon school since it takes place in the afternoon after having a formal education. Based on Government Regulation No. 55 of 2007, it is called madrasah diniyah takmiliyyah (supplementary religious school). It completed religious education complementing formal education (schools or madrasahs) (Depag, 2007). However, "madrasah diniyah" has become a widely accepted name in the community.
Some researchers have investigated the dynamics and roles of madrasah in the community. Priatna (2020) found that some madrasah diniyah remain and grow to meet the community's needs, whereas others no longer function. Therefore, there are also some policies for preserving madrasah diniyah. For instance, the districts of Sumenep and Pasuruan impose a compulsory of taking madrasah diniyah for their residents (Marwiyah, 2021). The province of East Java pays wages for madrasah diniyah teachers with undergraduate academic qualifications (Marwiyah, 2021). In the Singaporean context, Nor et.al (2017) found that madrasahs in Singapore not only contain religious sciences anymore but also integrate them with general lessons to face the challenges in the future. However, this study did not explore the madrasah's dynamics in curriculum development. Muhamad & Othman (2020) have also investigated the Islamic educational reform of a madrasah in Malaysia. They found that the development of madrasah in the form of administration, curriculum, and facilitation is influenced by mudir's (madrasah leader) policy. Unfortunately, this study is limited in exploring the role of mudir in developing the madrasah. Madrasah diniyyah carries out a series of adjustment processes ranging from the quality of the curriculum, the number of meeting hours, meeting times, books and teaching materials, and teaching methods. Adjustments are made as a way for parents to choose it as additional education for their children. This change is fundamental when there are more and more educational alternatives, such as Qur'an Education Park, other tutoring lessons, and tutoring to develop children's talents and interests. Madrasah diniyyah can still be the community's choice in providing additional religious education for children. Thus, research on the survival of madrasah diniyyah to provide a role as a religious educational institution with its distinctive curriculum is very important to be examined.
The social intertwining of the madrasah diniyah with their communities in maintaining Islamic science and traditions is crucial for their perpetuity in society. Madrasah diniyah formulated their curriculum, fulfilling their society's Islamic science and culture standards. The practical curriculum includes perspectives on Islamic science, the structure of subjects, textbooks, learning outcomes, and the Islamic traditions and characters that have been developed. Thus, this study aimed to explore the dynamics of the development of the madrasah diniyah curriculum, which took place in Banyumas Regency (Central Java Province, Indonesia). The study focused on discovering the Islamic scientific construction in its curriculum development and supporting social and cultural influences. Specifically, it is concerned with (1) Islamic scientific framework; (2) understanding of ustadz and managers on Islamic science; (3) genealogy of the Islamic science; and (4) social and cultural factors of the community.

METHOD
The research used a thick descriptive qualitative approach with the ethnographic method (Sugiyono, 2017). An interdisciplinary perspective, particularly collaboration between the science of education, sociology, and Islamic studies, was used in developing theoretical construction (Lexy J, 2019;Sugiyono, 2017).
Researchers limited this research area to several madrasah diniyah in Banyumas Regency by taking the setting of 4 (four) madrasah diniyahs. The first madrasah diniyah (Madrasah Diniyah al-Ittiḥad Pasir Kidul) represented a pesantren-based madrasah diniyah intended for the public. This madrasah diniyah has 42 affiliated madrasahs in Banyumas Regency, Indonesia, which adopted its education system, especially the curriculum, textbooks, and evaluations. The second madrasah diniyah (Madrasah Diniyah al-Barākah Karang Lewas) represented a madrasah diniyah that implemented curriculum modifications according to community needs. The third (Madrasah diniyah al-Salafiyyah Kedung Banteng) was madrasah diniyah which is developed by communities in collaboration with Islamic boarding schools. The last Madrasah diniyah (Madrasah Diniyah Nujūm al-Hudá Pliken) represented madrasah diniyah which is managed by the community by adopting the curriculum of the Director-General of Religious Education and Islamic Boarding Schools of the Ministry of Religion.
The data collection used semi-structured interviews and documentary techniques. The semi-structured interview was conducted to understand the data from managers, principals, and madrasah diniyah teachers. Besides, the documents in the form of curriculum structure were collected from the management of madrasah diniyah. The researchers used ethnographic qualitative analysis using the Miles and Huberman model system (Kenedy et.al, 2014).

RESULT AND DISCUSSION
The research used a thick descriptive qualitative approach with the ethnographic method (Sugiyono, 2017). An interdisciplinary perspective, particularly collaboration between the science of education, sociology, and Islamic studies, was used in developing theoretical construction (Lexy J, 2019;Sugiyono, 2017). Researchers limited this research area to several madrasah diniyah in Banyumas Regency by taking the setting of 4 (four) madrasah diniyahs. The first madrasah diniyah (Madrasah Diniyah al-Ittiḥad Pasir Kidul) represented a pesantren-based madrasah diniyah intended for the public. This madrasah diniyah has 42 affiliated madrasahs in Banyumas Regency, Indonesia, which adopted its education system, especially the curriculum, textbooks, and evaluations. The second madrasah diniyah (Madrasah Diniyah al-Barākah Karang Lewas) represented a madrasah diniyah that implemented curriculum modifications according to community needs. The third (Madrasah diniyah al-Salafiyyah Kedung Banteng) was madrasah diniyah which is developed by communities in collaboration with Islamic boarding schools. The last Madrasah diniyah (Madrasah Diniyah Nujūm al-Hudá Pliken) represented madrasah diniyah which is managed by the community by adopting the curriculum of the Director-General of Religious Education and Islamic Boarding Schools of the Ministry of Religion. The data collection used semi-structured interviews and documentary techniques. The semi-structured interview was conducted to understand the data from managers, principals, and madrasah diniyah teachers. Besides, the documents in the form of curriculum structure were collected from the management of madrasah diniyah. The researchers used ethnographic qualitative analysis using the Miles and Huberman model system (Kenedy et.al, 2014).

Representation of Islamic Science Structures in Madrasah Diniyah Subjects.
The composition of the forms of science offered by all madrasah diniyahs is relatively the same, but each becomes special in promoting the subjects and handbooks. The structure of the informants reflects the construction of Islamic sciences, primarily involving Islamic literature (reading and writing Arabic letters and Pegon letters), Qur'ān knowledge (reading the Holy Qur'ān, learning Qur'ānic exegesis, and tajwīd), Hadith, 'Aqīdah (theology), Fiqh (Islamic law) and uṣul fiqh (the methods in formulating Islamic law), Islamic History, and Arabic. These Islamic sciences then become the basis for developing subjects and selecting textbooks for students. Simply put, the subject configuration and Islamic texts of each madrasah diniyah reflect the structure of Islamic science. Madrasah diniyah al-Ittiḥad Pasir Kidul is a madrasah diniyah based pesantren. The madrasah diniyah curriculum, which has been developing since 1958, is still under development until the present period. When al-Ittiḥad Foundation succeeded in creating the pesantren in 1996, the madrasah diniyah and its curriculum were still designed to fulfil the religious education for all students, including santri.
Generally, the curriculum formulation of Madrasah diniyah Al-Ittiḥad is structured in subjects and textbooks at each level of education. For example, the science of the Qur'ān is divided into the knowledge of reading and writing the Qur'an, Qur'ānic exegesis, and Tajwīd. Arabic is divided into Naḥw, Ṣarf, and practical Arabic. Textbooks reflect a level of complexity of science. The science structure and books are shown in Table 1 : Tauḥīd Ibtidāīyah (elementary) level 1.
Qur'ān The Holy Qur'ān I-VI 2. Tauḥīd The curriculum of Madrasah diniyah Al-Ittihad has been adopted by many other madrasah diniyahs. At least 42 madrasah diniyahs affiliated with the curriculum of al-Ittihad. Madrasah Al-Ittihad did not follow the curriculum version of the Indonesian Ministry of Religious Affairs because, as Faidurrahman (Deputy Head of Madrasah) stated, its objective competence achievement was still too poor and did not lead students to understand Islamic nuances because it was provided with Indonesian language textbooks.
Madrasah diniyah al-Barakah Karanglewas Lor has adopted the curriculum of Madrasah diniyah al-Ittihad, Pasir Kidul. Due to the availability of teachers and the public interest, the adoption has not been carried out in full. Some goals of academic achievement have been revised to fit students' conditions. The textbooks have been selected and changed to simple ones. For instance, Madrasah diniyah al-Barokah did not use Al-Fiqh al-Wāḍih Ch. I and Matn al-Ghāyah wa al-Taqrīb but used Al-Mabādi al-Fiqhīyah Chapter I, II, and III. The structure of Islamic science in al-Baraokah's curriculum is represented below. Tauḥīd Ibtidaiyyah (elementary) level 1.
Al-Tajwīd a. Naẓam Hidāya al-Ṣibyān Al-Hadīth Al-Arba'īn al-Nawawīyah IV-V Madrasah Diniyah as-Salafiyyah Kedung Banteng creatively adopted the Madrasah diniyah curriculum from the Al-Anwar Islamic Boarding School (Sarang, Rembang) and tailored it to the community's needs. Independent initiatives in curriculum development are mainly for the Shifr level, while the Ibtidaiyyah level almost all adopts the Rembang Islamic Boarding School curriculum. At least, there are two exciting things from the side of the textbook. First, for the Shifr class, the teaching materials are wholly left to the creativity of the teacher, who adapts to the students' conditions. Second, some textbooks are books in Javanese with Arabic letters (Pegon). This reality shows the adoption of the locality dimension in the curriculum. The subject configurations are listed in Table 3.
a. Reciting Qur'ān The Holy Qur'ān Madrasah diniyah Nujum al-Huda Pliken follows the Indonesian Ministry of Religious Affairs curriculum, which uses textbooks with Latin letters in Indonesian. Previously, the madrasah applied a curriculum dense with Arabic language and nuances. Still, since 2007 it adopted the Ministry of Religious Affairs curriculum based on Indonesian textbooks, which are intended to bring students closer to Islam through a language that is easier to understand and in Indonesian culture. Students entering the madrasah are instructed to have basic competence in reading and writing Latin letters. The grade is just four grades, i.e., grades I to IV, to make students graduate diniyah at the same time as formal school graduation. The subjects are al-Qur'an-Hadith, Aqidah-Akhlaq, Fiqh (of Worship), History of Islamic Culture, and Arabic. To improve Islamic literacy, they are khot (writing Arabic characters), imla' (mastering Arabic script), and Pegon (Javanese written in Arabic characters). There are some innovations in adopting the Minister of Religion curriculum as necessary by the community conditions, as illustrated in the table below.

Teachers' Views of Madrasah diniyah on Islamic Science
The view of the madrasah diniyah teachers concerning Islamic science (or knowledge) is relatively the same. They see that science can be divided into two types, i.e., Islamic science (can be called religious or traditional science) and general science (instead of secular and acquired science). Islamic science consists of the science of the Qur'ān, Hadīth, Fiqh, Aqīdah, Akhlāq, and Islamic History. Some instrumental sciences, such as Arabic, manṭīq (logic), and falaq (Islamic astronomy), have become part of Islamic science. The framework of medieval Muslim scholars influences their view on the structure of Islamic science in classical books, especially Imam al-Ghazali with his book of Iḥya' Ulūm al-Dīn. On the other hand, general sciences include natural sciences, social sciences, the science of humanities (such as philosophy, logic, and language), and technology. Therefore, religious science and general science complement each other. Islamic knowledge derives from the Qur'ān and Sunnah, while general knowledge derives from human reasoning and is a partly direct influence by Allah. General knowledge can be considered Islamic if it is in harmony with the teachings of the Qur'ān and Sunnah and is used for good.
They believe that all knowledge is from Allah, but the science of religion is the most important one. Every Muslim must learn Islamic science to live in the world and afterwards. Some Islamic science, i.e., practical Islamic teaching, is necessary for every Muslim. On the contrary, to study general science is farḍu kifāyah, i.e., just obligatory for part of people. Everyone may study available science based on their job interests and constructing human civilisation. Since the secular sciences were more developed in Western and modern societies, many consider them to belong to Western societies but do not. General science works to regulate the life of the world. They think available science is a good tool for the well-being and enjoyment of life in the world, i.e., employment, economic vitality, health, and natural management. On the other hand, religious science regulates the life of the mind, the metaphysical, and the human dimensions to survive both the world and the afterlife. They, then, recommend that every Muslim learns religious knowledge and general knowledge to be happy and stable in the hereafter in this world.
This attitude has implications for the development of the madrasah diniyah curriculum. Teachers and managers of madrasah place Islamic science in a high position. However, they are aware of the role of madrasahs in complementing formal education, particularly in enhancing the mastery of Islamic science, the habituation of religious behaviour, and the shaping of Muslim character. They, therefore, set the standard for student mastery of basic knowledge, namely the ability to master the practice of reading and writing the Qur'ān, skill, and habituation of primary worship, especially the five daily prayers, and the formation of akhlāq al-karīmah. Those subjects are the basic science in preparing the madrasah diniyah curriculum.
In this context, the subjects of madrasah diniyah are designed to transmit Islamic science and shape Islamic morality. The curriculum is represented in the subjects' structure and the books taught. Subjects developed include knowledge of Qur'ān, Hadīth, Fiqh, Aqīdah, Akhlāq Islamic history, and primary Arabic and in line with the level of education. In the research setting, the three madrasah diniyahs have only the ṣifr to ibtidaiyyah classes, and only al-Ittihad already has the thanawiyyah class. Teachers have the principle of providing basic Islamic knowledge, while students can develop knowledge through other higher education institutions. The head of Madrasah diniyah as-Syafi'iyyah said, "Madrasah diniyah is used to build the fundamental Islamic knowledge for children. They can improve their competencies at the kiai's homes, mosques and mushalla." The chairman of the al-Ittiihad Foundation clarified that students might develop their Islamic knowledge, including quranic exegesis, manṭīq, falaq, and modern books at an intermediate madrasah (wusṭa) and high ('ulya) levels or in pesantren. At an essential and practical level, the works of Muslim scholars, such as Ibn Rushd, al-Ghazali, Muhammad bin Idris as-Syafi'i and Jalaluddin as-Suyuti, taught in madrasah diniyah.

Genealogy of Madrasah Diniyah Knowledge
Genealogically, madrasah diniyah teachers constitute Islamic science as their teachers develop it in pesantren (Islamic boarding schools) and majlīs ta'līm. The basic genealogy of the madrasah diniyah curriculum has lately become the standardisation of Islamic studies established by madrasah diniyah.
Madrasah diniyah al-Ittihad Pasir Kidul (Banyumas), founded in 1958 by KH Achmad Sa'dullah Majdi, has established an autonomous curriculum. While developing pesantren, alt-Ittihad continues its curriculum for students living in pesantren and those outside. The chairman said, "…, we already have pesantren. However, madrasah diniyah al-Ittihad is designed as a madrasah for students of pesantren and those of the local community." In addition, its curriculum was also adopted from many pesantren, i.e. Pesantren Jombang, Benda (Kediri), Lirboyo (Kediri), and Sarang (Rembang). The most reason is that KH Achmad Sa'dullah Majdi, the founder, genealogically is an alumnus of those pesantren. It was also influenced by Pesantren Krapyak (Yogyakarta) as an almamater of the recent leader. The preservation and continuity of the curriculum of Madrasah diniyah al-Ittihad have made it a reference point for many madrasah diniyahs. So far, 42 madrasah diniyahs have been affiliated with al-Ittihad.
Madrasah diniyah al-Barākah Karanglewas Lor (Banyumas) is affiliated with the al-Ittihad education system. From 1985 to 1991, this madrasah was still in the form of majlīs ta'līm, and after 1992, it followed the al-Ittihad's curriculum. All content goals, books read, research time, learning structure, class division and assessment system were initially adopted from al-Ittihad. As well its management even imitated to al-Ittihad. Lately, it has developed a curriculum to the needs of the community. The headmaster of Madrasah al-Barākah clarified, "We cannot attain one hundred per cent of al-Ittihad because of the availability of teachers who meet the qualification standards to master the textbooks, community needs, and readiness of students." Due to social conditions, learning hours are reduced by three to one and a half hours daily. Consequently, the target achievement of learning, materials and the completion of studying the textbooks were reduced.
In 2006, Madrasah al-Barākah received an offer to adopt the Indonesian Ministry of Religious Affairs curriculum, but it was not accepted. The headmaster argued, "The curriculum at the Ministry of Religious Affairs uses Indonesian language and Latin letters so that it does not bring children closer to Islam. Arabic or Pegon Textbooks help children get used to having an islamic atmosphere and love Islam more." Therefore, it has continued to use the al-Ittihad curriculum because it is more stable, and there have never been complaints from people or experts. Furthermore, the headmaster realised that its curriculum was also adopted from Pesantren Blok Agung Banyuwangi, his almamater and some teachers.
Madrasah Diniyah as-Salafiyyah (Kedung Banteng, Banyumas) admitted that it adopted the scientific structure of Islamic science of Pesantren Sarang (Rembang: Central Java) because most of the senior teachers were alums of the pesantren. There was a discourse in the early 1970s to adopt the al-Ittihad education model, but many teachers disagreed with it due to objections to using the name al-Ittihad. Finally, it developed a specific curriculum from Pesantren Sarang and other madrasah diniyahs. The curriculum innovation was tested for one year to determine its effectiveness and student absorption. Otherwise, it will adopt the other madrasah curriculum. In designing the curriculum, the Madrasah diniyah as-Salafiyyah is partnering with Pesantren an-Nūr, located next to each other (in one village). Cooperation continues to develop since the teachers of Madrasah as-Syafi'iyyah also teach at Pesantren An-Nur, and vice versa. Even some kiai (Islamic religious leaders) of the Kedung Banteng area are alums of Pesantren Sarang.
Unlike those three previous madrasah diniyahs, Madrasah diniyah Nujūm al-Huda (Pliken, Banyumas) is one of the 13 diniyah madrasahs in Banyumas that uses the curriculum of the Indonesian Ministry of Religious Affairs (MoRA). The textbooks were written in the Indonesian language with Latin letters. In the early, Madrasah Diniyah Nujūm al-Huda was developed by Ma'arif Ranting Pliken in 1942. It had its curriculum known as the foundation curriculum. The textbooks are taken from Arabic books and emphasise using Arabic and Arabic script pegon. 2005 it adopted the MoRA curriculum to respond to the changing society. As stated by a teacher, adopting the Indonesian Ministry of Religion aims to make it easier for children to understand Islamic sciences because they can already use the Indonesian language and Latin letters. The founders and teachers are alums from many pesantren; therefore, there is no particular affiliation of pesantren.
Recently, attention has been given to the efficacy of the MoRA curriculum, and attempts are being made to create a better curriculum. The MoRA curriculum is seen as a reduction in Islamic literacy for students. A Madrasah Nujūm al-Huda teacher gave an example, "In the past, second graders were good at reading and writing Arabic. Now many fourth graders are not fluent in Arabic reading and writing. ... In the past, Grade II students were not much wrong. However, it's still wrong to imitate Arabic script, even imla' (writing Arabic letter)." He also said, "Now Madin (Madrasah diniyah) lacks distinctive features because the material is the same as madrasah ibtidaiyyah." Therefore, whether to return to the traditional curriculum, which focuses on classical Islamic literature, is debated.
Apart from the variations in the structured curriculum, the dynamics of those four madrasah diniyah curriculum reinforces the model of the madrasah diniyah curriculum based on the classic salaf books that are genealogically adopted by the pesantren as the core of the Islamic studies and tradition. In this construction, it can be said that the madrasah diniyah is the extension of the pesantren arm in preserving and growing Islamic studies in society. Since madrasah diniyah interacts with other madrasahs or pesantren, this condition is crucial in developing Islamic scientific standardisation in the madrasah diniyah curriculum.

Social and Cultural Factors of Societal Religiosity
Madrasah diniyah develops a curriculum based on the social and cultural conditions of people as users and stakeholders. In this context, the intense religiosity of the Banyumas people is a significant factor in the resilience of the Madrasah diniyah. The community of those four Madrasah diniyahs (al-Ittihad Pasir Kidul, al-Barokah Karang Lewas Lor, as-Salafiyyah Kedung Banteng, and Nujumul Huda Pliken) are characterised by the religious people of the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) model along with their social and cultural practices under the authority of the kiai. Therefore, the Madrasah diniyah curriculum is part of the sustainability and catalyst factor for the structure of Islamic science with an NU perspective.
The religiosity of the people of Kedung Banteng Village is indicated by the holding of recitations almost every day and in all social lines. The Qoran recitation and studying some basics of Islamic science (including a classical book/yellow book) are held in some Mushallas and mosques. There is a rotating pengajian (Islamic teaching) after dhuhur prayer between Mushallas and mosques for adult women every day and every eighth day according to Javanese market days (Legi, Pahing, Pon, Wage, Kliwon). There is also a rotating pengajian for the fathers every month. Each neighbourhood or hamlet ceremony is commonly filled with reciting tahlil, prayer, and other activities. There are pesantren and many kiai (Islamic religious leaders) and ustadz (Islamic religious teachers) in the local area, so they deserve to be called the "pesantren community". Government policies are even socialised to the public through religious and social forums.
The people of Pasir Kidul, where Madrasah diniyah al-Ittihad developed, have even become an icon of societal religiosity. Some students of al-Ittihad come from outside the village and even the sub-district. Islamic leaders in Pasir Kidul are under the auspices of the al-Ittihad Foundation, so religious education is concentrated in al-Ittihad. No kiai or teachers hold their education institution, but they collectively teach at al-Ittihad, whether at Madrasah diniyah, MI, MTs, or MA. The mosques and mushallas (places for prayer and religious activities instead of a mosque) around al-Ittihad are only used for association activities such as the Muslim women's association (Muslimat), the men's association, and youth groups or incidental recitation. The people of Pasir Kidul, especially Hamlet II and III, are like community-based pesantren because most of them are santri or alums under the care of the kiai and ustadz al-Ittihad.
The Karang Lewas Lor community, which is the social basis for Madrasah diniyah al-Barokah, is also a religious community. Despite high mobility due to the Pon Market, many "home industries", and on the side of provincial roads, the people of Karang Lewas Lor still preserved religious traditions, such as yasinan (reciting chapter Yasin of the Qur'an), tahlilan (reciting the prayer), manakiban (reciting the biography book of Syekh Abdul Qadir al-Jilani), and barzanji (reciting shalawat dan history of the prophet in the book Barzanji). Socio-religious organisations such as Muslimat, Fatayat and the Youth Mosque are emerging. Apart from the madrasah diniyah and Qur'ān Education Center (TPQ), several mushalla, mosques, and kiai houses perform Qur'ān recitation. Daily recitation of the people in the mosques and mushalla continues. The survival of the madrasah diniyah in this village is part of preserving Islamic science and traditions in society.
The community around Madrasah Diniyah Nujūm al-Huda is also religious. As a community on the city's outskirts, the culture of the Pliken people includes cities like Purwokerto. Religion continues to develop even though there are many housing and migrants with varied socio-religious backgrounds. Learning Islamic science in mosques and mushallas is still developing. Even its formal leaders (the village government) pay much attention to the development of religion. The former Head of Pliken Village and the administrator of the Nujūm al-Huda madrasah explained, "… All the teachers and principals of the madrasah diniyah get bent soil from the village. Even mosque imams get crooked ground. This situation has been preserved until now by everyone who serves as village head. If teachers' welfare is considered, their performance will be maximised because they feel appreciated." In addition, the parent's concern in educating their children is also reasonable. Budi described, "Parents are ashamed if their children do not recite the Qur'ān and go to school diniyah. Children can go to school anywhere but must attend madrasah diniyah." There is also cooperation between Madrasah diniyah and formal education. Budi explained, "In the past, school teachers came to the Madrasah diniyah to see their students." Religious education is also supported by religious and Qur'ānic teaching at some mosques and teachers' houses. Therefore, madrasah diniyah and the community have mutual efforts to develop children's Islamic religious education.
Furthermore, the survival of madrasah diniyyah in the community and society because teachers and people live in the same environment as the community. They often hold collaborative activities between madrasah diniyyah and the local community, such as the ta'ruf parade (public show activities), assembled with khataman activities and public recitation. In addition, the survival of madrasah diniyyah in madrasah diniyyah develops students' talents and interests, such as shalawatan (humming shalawat) and qira'ah (chanting in reading the Qur'an). There is also a sports and arts week between madrasah diniyyah and the local community. The religious curriculum is an essential pillar for the survival and development of madrasah diniyyah. Of course, madrasah diniyyah's survival process is also supported by its creativity in giving the role of religious education to the community, fulfilling its expectations, and collaborating with it.
The findings indicate that the evolution of the madrasah diniyah curriculum is influenced by the genealogy of scientific epistemology of teachers and social and religious cultural influences in society. The curriculum is not developed systematically and in a formal and detailed document. Still, it is more evident from the essential dimensions of creating scientific epistemology formulated in the framework of topics, textbooks, and existing traditions. Theoretically, this process suggests that the curriculum has been built considering the aspects of philosophical, psychological, sociological, scientific, and technological advances. With these bases of curriculum development, madrasah diniyah plays a significant role in supporting mental revolution as government jargon (Priatna, 2020). Thus, the government has favoured the existence of madrasah diniyah to strengthen its development through some policies related to the Islamic educational system (Badrudin, 2017;Ilhamsyah, 2016;Prasetyo, 2018;Salahuddin, 2012).
The Islamic scientific structure of madrasah diniyah based on the findings is varied but essentially develops the same knowledge, namely the broad development of Islamic Religious Education, which includes the sciences of the Qur'ān, Hadīth, Fiqh, Aqīdah, Akhlāq and History of Islamic culture. In addition, Islamic literacy through Arabic and Arabic Pegon is also the primary support for the madrasah diniyah curriculum. Thus, Islamic science in madrasah diniyah, with its characteristics of curriculum development, has been placed as the basis of Islamic science and tradition (Badrudin, 2017;Maulana, 2017;Munir, 2016;Tan, 2017). The configuration of subjects and textbooks may differ from one madrasah to another. Some fully adopt Arabic textbooks, some use Javanese with Arabic letters Pegon, and some use books published by the Indonesian Ministry of Religion that use Latin letters. However, all of them developed Islamic science, as mandated by the Regulation of the Minister of Religion Number 13 of 2014 concerning the madrasah diniyah takmiliyyah curriculum (Moh Dahlan, 2011;Djahid, 2016;Ilhamsyah, 2016;Priatna, 2020).
Madrasah Diniyah teachers view Islamic science as a traditional subject matter in which the science of religion is more important than general science. Still, they believe that all knowledge comes from Allah and will be beneficial if it brings goodness to humans and nature. This perspective is characteristic of traditional Muslims responding to modern science (Çoruh, 2020;Mansour, 2011). Although they consider Islamic science to have high supremacy of truth, general science will be helpful to islamic culture ( Maulana, 2017;Purwati et al., 2018). This model of establishing the philosophy and role of Islamic science has become a meeting point for Muslim scholars. Muslim scholars, such as Hosein Nasr and Harun Yahya, see a distinction between general science and religious knowledge where the science of religion is of higher dignity because it has absolute truth (Bigliardi, 2014;Khoirudin, 2014;Nasr, 2013).
On the other hand, some scholars have also attempted to figure out the common ground between general science and Islamic science and even at the level of integration (Bakar, 2015(Bakar, , 2016Raharjo, 2018). In this context, the teachers of madrasah diniyah already have modern thought because they see a point of contact between general science and religious science by putting religious knowledge as the foundation of scientific knowledge (Sardar, 2015;Clarke, 2016). Religious knowledge is forced to take up modern scientific information. Not only does science lose its spiritual dimension in such situations, but religious knowledge transfers its true vocation by drawing a technique not owned by modern science (Lemeni, 2020). Therefore, religious knowledge should be an equaliser and catalyst for the use of scientific knowledge (Lehmann et.al, 2023).
In developing the pillars of Islamic science, they follow the model developed by the salaf scholars, which is preserved through Islamic education institutions, especially Islamic boarding schools, where madrasah diniyah is an extension of their arms (Maulana, 2017;Nizah, 2016;Ilhamsyah, 2016). The nuances of modern thoughts of madrasah diniyah teachers and managers occur because some have a formal educational background and manage formal education. This thought fulfils Iqbal's predictions that through Islamic science, civilisation and science are built based on universal Islamic values ( Iqbal, 2017;Raharjo, 2018). Such construction leads Islam to become a scientific paradigm that promotes goodness to all beings (raḥmah li al-'ālamīn).
Madrasah diniyahs are genealogically an extension of Islamic science from Islamic boarding schools or other Islamic scientific centres, guaranteeing the scientific standardisation of the madrasah diniyah. So far, there have been a variety of regulations concerning the nature and role of madrasah diniyah and their curriculum, such as the 1975 Minister of Religion Regulation following the SKB 3 Ministers (Minister of Education and Culture, Minister of Religion, and Minister of Home Affairs), the 2007 Regulation of the Minister of Religion concerning madrasah diniyah as advocates of formal education (Badrudin, 2017;Ilhamsyah, 2016;Zuhdi, 2005). The madrasah diniyah curriculum is, however, more autonomous. Each madrasah's management is autonomous, from the education system's establishment to the curriculum's development. In this context, some researchers found that the scientific genealogy of madrasah diniyah teachers and the quality of their human resources, as well as the social and religious cultural factors in the community, are the critical factors in the creativity and growth of the madrasah diniyah curriculum (Fatmawati, 2016;Hakim, 2019;Ihsan, 2019;Rojii et al., 2020). Of the more than 182 madrasah diniyahs in Banyumas, only 13 use the curriculum of the Ministry of Religion.
Madrasah Diniyah's choice of an Islamic boarding school scientific model with reference books written by authoritative traditional scholars who speak Arabic rather than alternative curriculum content and textbooks from the Indonesian Ministry of Religion is intended to make Islamic shades thicker. While different, the two curriculum models have the same purpose: to get students closer to Islamic science and teaching. The choice of madrasah diniyah teachers is versatile and contextual, that is to say, depending on how they are interpreted. However, the option of classical Islamic literacy among the madrasah diniyah teachers is more incredible. They claim that Islamic science is best preserved through the advancement of Islamic literacy, Arabic as the root language of Islamic teachings (Qur'ān and Hadīth). The Islamic model of Ahlussunnah Waljamaah is the primary model of Islamic science regarding the History of the development of Islam in the Indonesian context (Kasdi, 2017). The developed science was more inclined towards the thoughts and traditions of Syafi'iyyah (in fiqh), Asy'ariyyah, and Maturidiyyah (in theology), which eventually culminated in al-Ghazali's thoughts. In the scientific hegemony construction model of Foucault (Foucault, 2002), the dominance of traditional Islamic science, with its nuances of Arabic literacy and classical book practices, is believed to be able to get students closer to science, beliefs, culture and Islamic values than the Indonesian-based scientific constructions. Even Javanese writing with the Javanese Pegon script is still more dominant than Latin and Indonesian writing. This phenomenon can be referred to as a pattern of objectification of intelligence (Iqbal, 2017). This scheme makes the Islamic scientific framework of madrasah diniyah based on classical texts, of course, to survive so long with the contextualisation of understanding its contents.
The development of the madrasah diniyah curriculum is influenced by and, at the same time, influences the community's social and religious cultural life in addition to the Islamic scientific competencies of the ustadz. The meeting point between community needs and madrasah diniyah's idealism determines the education model and curriculum content. In the relevant principle, the curriculum of madrasah diniyah must meet the community's needs (Ansyar, 2017;Prasetyo, 2018;Salahuddin, 2012;Slamet, 2017). In this context, people choose madrasah diniyah for their children to increase their religious awareness, have good religious practices, and shape morals. These aspirations are the basis for creating the curriculum by considering the community's models and conditions of social life. Religious understanding and practice, such as the Nahdliyyin community in this study, also decide the survival of the madrasah diniyah.
In Foucault's conception, as summarised by Berkenkotte (2016), the way that scientists form science or discipline of knowledge does not come from human subjects or authors but from basic discursive rules and practices that still exist at that time. Thus, the madrasah diniyah curriculum is formed due to a dialogue on the community's and scientists' needs, formulated in the structure of the subjects and the books or books taught. First, every madrasah innovates by changing textbooks. For instance, Madrasah Nujumul Huda adopted the Indonesian Ministry of Religion curriculum. In addition, Madrasah as-Syafiyah conducts trials before implementing the curriculum. Second, the learning time is also adjusted to the conditions of the community. For example, lessons are carried out in Asr because students in grades I-IV madrasah diniyah al-Ittihad and al-Barokah mostly enter formal education in elementary schools. Grade V-VI is held at night (after Isya prayer) because it is followed by grade V elementary to junior high school students. In the Islamic context, the principle of curriculum development follows the philosophy of al-muḥāfaẓah 'alā al-qadīm al-ṣāliḥ wa al-akhdhu bi al-jadīd alaṣlaḥ (taking new and better things without leaving old good things). Therefore, curriculum changes were made but always maintained the essential role of madrasah diniyah education. In principle, changes and innovations are carried out as long as they still support the achievement of madrasah idealism in that role following the conditions of society.
This research has limitations related to research settings that only take the setting of a few madrasah diniyyah in the Banyumas area so that it is possible to conduct research with a wider setting or with a distinctive nature of the setting, such as diniyyah madrasah in urban areas or diniyyah madrasah in the pesantren environment. In terms of methods, qualitative methods in this study make it limited in taking data only from limited subjects and informants. Regarding themes, this research is limited to curriculum development and elaborating its implications in learning. For example, detailed curriculum development research and the implications of the learning process in madrasah diniyyah in the current era were conducted. Research on the use of ICT in learning in madrasah diniyyah will also be interesting after covid-19 (Fajrussalam et.al., 2020). Teachers' persistence in using traditional textbooks while consuming material content over the internet is also very interesting to explore. In essence, this research can be a reference for further research development.

CONCLUSION
Based on the findings in this research, the content-based, pragmatic, and conservative madrasah curriculum formed as a representation of the genealogy of Islamic science between pesantren (as a source of Islamic science) and madrasah diniyah (as an extension of its arms in society). The curriculum of the madrasah diniyah is transparent and formulated in the framework of subjects and books taught (so that it can be called a content-based curriculum). The curriculum is pragmatic because it serves the community's needs regarding religious education, fundamental Islamic science and daily religious life. The curriculum is conservative because it seeks to express the knowledge and values of noble Islam established by authoritative Muslim leaders, accumulated in Islamic boarding schools based on classical Islamic books in Arabic, and adapted to the times and needs of society. In principle, the curriculum is genealogically developed in an authoritative Islamic scientific lineage by responding to the context of social and cultural development of the diversity of society.